What’s Behind Australia’s New $42 Million in Assistance to Ukraine?

Por Grant Wyeth — The Diplomat

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Canberra’s desire to learn from Kyiv is a sign of enormous respect and its pledge to ongoing support an expression of Australia’s support for the Ukrainian cause.

Australia’s Prime Minister Anthony Albanese met with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy on the sidelines of the U.N. General Assembly in New York this week. Out of that meeting came a new bilateral security agreement , unlocking a further US$42 million in Australian assistance to Ukraine – split between Australian Defense Force (ADF) equipment, Ukraine’s Energy Support Fund, and humanitarian assistance. This brings Australia’s total contribution to almost US$1.4 billion. 

Ukraine is obviously far away from Australia’s immediate security concerns in the Indo-Pacific, but Canberra’s support for the country is driven principally by its interest in preventing territorial conquest from becoming an accepted instrument of international relations. As a geographically isolated country with considerable economic interests beyond its immediate region, Australia depends on international rules that constrain the use of force. Canberra understands that allowing this principle to be undermined in Europe would weaken its application elsewhere, including in the Indo-Pacific. Alongside this is the position that smaller and middle-sized countries should retain the freedom to make their own security and diplomatic decisions.

Alongside its assistance package, Australia will also join the United Kingdom and Norway-led Maritime Capability Coalition which is helping Ukraine develop its naval capabilities. Yet what is most interesting about the new security agreement with Ukraine is not so much the assistance that Australia can provide Ukraine, but what Australia can learn from Ukraine. 

Over the past four years, Ukraine has been forced into one of the more consequential live experiments in modern warfare. It has had to develop systems and capabilities that can counter a larger and more well-equipped military force with cunning and creativity. The most visible product of this has been in unmanned systems. Ukraine’s naval drone program, epitomized by the Magura platform , has proved to be a relatively inexpensive, but high impact weapons program adaptable to multiple roles, from attacking warships and aircraft, to striking the industrial infrastructure inside Russia that funds its invading force. 

What makes this experience important and valuable to Australia is not just the technology itself, but what it can learn from how quickly Ukraine has been able to develop and adapt its capabilities. Ukraine has significantly shortened the gap between identifying a battlefield need, developing a solution, and putting it into action. Its defense-tech sector operates more like a startup than a traditional defense industry, as it is constantly adapting and replacing systems as Russia responds. The key lesson is that in a rapidly changing battlefield, the ability to adapt faster than the enemy can be more important than having the most advanced individual systems.

Australia still relies heavily on a small number of highly capable and expensive defense platforms. Yet it is coming to the realization that in a modern warfare scenario, these may not be as impactful as necessary. It is this realization that has driven an element of the new security agreement with Ukraine to deepen cooperation on uncrewed systems. Albanese and Zelenskyy committed the two countries to explore joint production of drones and similar defense technologies. 

Of course, Australia’s own desire to develop autonomous systems predates this week’s agreement. Australia’s flagship Ghost Shark autonomous undersea vehicle is considered one of the more advanced technologies in the maritime space. Australia is not a novice here, but what it is trying to do is fuse the systems it has been working on with the capabilities that Ukraine has developed within an ever-evolving combat zone. The technology has to match the real world practicalities to be useful. 

The Indo-Pacific relevance is what concerns Australia the most. China has been closely observing how Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has unfolded and how Ukraine’s defense of itself could be replicated by Taiwan. The potential for conflict over Taiwan remains the most pressing concern in Australia’s defense planning. Australia is heavily reliant on the sea lines of communication to northeast Asia, making deterrence a vital national interest. Ukraine’s innovative resistance may prove to be a powerful deterrence to any Chinese invasion plans. 

Yet it would be wrong to read this new security agreement with Ukraine purely as one of Australia’s strategic self-interest. Canberra’s support for Ukraine also comes from a straightforward belief that Russia’s invasion is wrong, and helping Ukraine is the right thing to do. Australia’s desire to learn from Ukraine is a sign of enormous respect, and that cooperation in advancing peace is central to any good friendship. 

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Australia’s Prime Minister Anthony Albanese met with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy on the sidelines of the U.N. General Assembly in New York this week. Out of that meeting came a new bilateral security agreement , unlocking a further US$42 million in Australian assistance to Ukraine – split between Australian Defense Force (ADF) equipment, Ukraine’s Energy Support Fund, and humanitarian assistance. This brings Australia’s total contribution to almost US$1.4 billion. 

Ukraine is obviously far away from Australia’s immediate security concerns in the Indo-Pacific, but Canberra’s support for the country is driven principally by its interest in preventing territorial conquest from becoming an accepted instrument of international relations. As a geographically isolated country with considerable economic interests beyond its immediate region, Australia depends on international rules that constrain the use of force. Canberra understands that allowing this principle to be undermined in Europe would weaken its application elsewhere, including in the Indo-Pacific. Alongside this is the position that smaller and middle-sized countries should retain the freedom to make their own security and diplomatic decisions.

Alongside its assistance package, Australia will also join the United Kingdom and Norway-led Maritime Capability Coalition which is helping Ukraine develop its naval capabilities. Yet what is most interesting about the new security agreement with Ukraine is not so much the assistance that Australia can provide Ukraine, but what Australia can learn from Ukraine. 

Over the past four years, Ukraine has been forced into one of the more consequential live experiments in modern warfare. It has had to develop systems and capabilities that can counter a larger and more well-equipped military force with cunning and creativity. The most visible product of this has been in unmanned systems. Ukraine’s naval drone program, epitomized by the Magura platform , has proved to be a relatively inexpensive, but high impact weapons program adaptable to multiple roles, from attacking warships and aircraft, to striking the industrial infrastructure inside Russia that funds its invading force. 

What makes this experience important and valuable to Australia is not just the technology itself, but what it can learn from how quickly Ukraine has been able to develop and adapt its capabilities. Ukraine has significantly shortened the gap between identifying a battlefield need, developing a solution, and putting it into action. Its defense-tech sector operates more like a startup than a traditional defense industry, as it is constantly adapting and replacing systems as Russia responds. The key lesson is that in a rapidly changing battlefield, the ability to adapt faster than the enemy can be more important than having the most advanced individual systems.

Australia still relies heavily on a small number of highly capable and expensive defense platforms. Yet it is coming to the realization that in a modern warfare scenario, these may not be as impactful as necessary. It is this realization that has driven an element of the new security agreement with Ukraine to deepen cooperation on uncrewed systems. Albanese and Zelenskyy committed the two countries to explore joint production of drones and similar defense technologies. 

Of course, Australia’s own desire to develop autonomous systems predates this week’s agreement. Australia’s flagship Ghost Shark autonomous undersea vehicle is considered one of the more advanced technologies in the maritime space. Australia is not a novice here, but what it is trying to do is fuse the systems it has been working on with the capabilities that Ukraine has developed within an ever-evolving combat zone. The technology has to match the real world practicalities to be useful. 

The Indo-Pacific relevance is what concerns Australia the most. China has been closely observing how Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has unfolded and how Ukraine’s defense of itself could be replicated by Taiwan. The potential for conflict over Taiwan remains the most pressing concern in Australia’s defense planning. Australia is heavily reliant on the sea lines of communication to northeast Asia, making deterrence a vital national interest. Ukraine’s innovative resistance may prove to be a powerful deterrence to any Chinese invasion plans. 

Yet it would be wrong to read this new security agreement with Ukraine purely as one of Australia’s strategic self-interest. Canberra’s support for Ukraine also comes from a straightforward belief that Russia’s invasion is wrong, and helping Ukraine is the right thing to do. Australia’s desire to learn from Ukraine is a sign of enormous respect, and that cooperation in advancing peace is central to any good friendship. 

Grant Wyeth is a Melbourne-based political analyst specializing in Australia and the Pacific, India and Canada.

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Fonte: The Diplomat